Silenced prisoner leader demands conduct report repeal

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: Silenced prisoner leader demands conduct report repeal

Contact: Ben Turk
Sept. 13th 2018

YOUNGSTOWN OH – Imam Siddique Abdullah Hasan, a revolutionary organizer and outspoken advocate of the national prisoner rights movement has appealed the Ohio Department of Correction (ODRC) decision that restricted him from communication access for a year of more leading up to the August 21- September 9 nationwide prison strike.

In his appeal Imam Hasan states: “The fabricated charges in my conduct report, the procedural errors in my SMP [Serious Misconduct Panel] hearing, and the dirty games played by all parties involved are so egregious and a violation of my due process rights… that not even returning my case to a new SMP for a rehearing will cure and correct the violations of applicable procedures and the vindictiveness shown toward my person.”

The most serious of the four rules violations contained in Hasan’s conduct report of July 27 were “Rioting, or encouraging others to riot” and “Engaging in or encouraging a group demonstration or work stoppage” these charges are based primarily on an outside supporter mailing him an endorsement of the strike written by the Fire Inside collective.

Imam Hasan did not request or receive the document because it was intercepted by mailroom staff, yet the SMP convicted him, adding on a fifth ad hoc violation during the SMP: “Violation of other policy… Inmate Sanders is also acting as a leader and spokesperson.”

ODRC Bureau of Classification Chief Brian Wittrup is the charging official in Hasan’s conduct report, and also the ultimate authority deciding Hasan’s fate. To rectify this clear due process conflict, Wittrup stated that he “did not wish to have input into the disciplinary proceedings.” At the actual hearing though, he responded to and critiqued Hasan’s testimony repeatedly and without request from the panel, in violation of ODRC policy.

Other due process violations included providing the SMP with evidence not contained in the conduct report and not available for Hasan’s review prior to the hearing as well as blocking Hasan’s witnesses from testifying at the hearing citing “relevancy, unavailability and security reasons”.

“I was named in the conduct report,” said Ben Turk, who sent Hasan the offending material, “so I’m relevant. I called both the prison and central office to ask when or how I would be allowed to testify, so I was available. They must think merely letting me speak to the panel on the phone would compromise their security.”

Hasan’s appeal, and the conduct report are available online at and Since the conduct report on July 27, Hasan has had his phone and email access blocked, his property severely restricted, and his cell door barricaded to prevent other prisoners from communicating with him through it.

The Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee (IWOC) has organized a phone zap to the Ohio State Penitentiary (OSP) on Thursday September 13 to demand reprieve of these restrictions.

The ODRC has until September 27 to reply to Hasan’s appeal. Supporters hope that Wittrup will be satisfied with having silenced Hasan during the nationwide strike and will not try to defend and uphold this sloppy, violation-ridden SMP decision.

“If not, we’re looking into a civil lawsuit, because this is a clear infringement on both Hasan and my first amendment rights,” Turk stated.

According to a recent statement by Greg Curry, a friend of Hasan’s also held at OSP, the repression against Hasan and others actually sparked a work stoppage in late July and at least one block of prisoners maintained a commissary boycott throughout the period of the strike.


Please help gain Justice for Greg Curry

Greg Curry’s cause is pure and simple justice: a fair, impartial hearing which is long overdue.
Our Fundraiser is here.

Greg was wrongfully accused & sentenced to life in Ohio following a 1993 prison riot in which he did not take part at all.

The money we raise will be used for investigative work and legal representation by an attorney.

The expenses, the filing decisions will all be posted.

The fund will be held in a Trust-account.

Numerous times during the last 25 years, Greg attemted to receive justice by filing pro-se motions with help of jailhouse lawyers. The proper judicial arguments are present in his case, but those legalities must be brought before the Court by an experienced Attorney.

This is why Greg seeks your help, the help from the people who care to see justice-for-all be a reality for all.

Large or small donations all help, as well as recommending to others you know to make a donation, or that attorneys donate their time.

You can also make a donation via other means than this (contact us via this or email or facebook, see below) we will then add it to the “offline contributions.”

An interview conducted five years ago at the 20th commemoration can be read here:

Kunta Kenyatta interviews Greg Curry:

Twitter: @freegregcurry

THANK YOU for CARING for Justice for Greg Curry! Any and all donations are welcome!

Shadowproof: Ohio Prisoners begin Hunger Strike following punishment for appearing on Netflix show, “Captive”

This comes from Shadowproof written by Brian Sonenstein, March 3rd, 2017:

On February 27, Ohio prisoners Siddique Abdullah Hasan and Jason Robb began a hunger strike after officials at the Ohio State Penitentiary suspended their phone and email access for 90 days. Prison officials accused the men of accepting compensation to appear without authorization on an episode of the Netflix show, “Captive.”

The episode covered the 1993 prison riot known as the Lucasville Uprising. Hasan and Robb, who argue their role in the rebellion was to negotiate a peaceful ending, were pegged as two of its leaders. They were sentenced to death for the killing of a corrections officer.

Read the rest here.

You can write to Hasan and Jason to show them your support, not via Jpay, but via mail. If they get enough mail, this will also give the prison a message…

Jason Robb #308-919
Ohio State Penitentiary
878 Coitsville-Hubbard Rd
Youngstown, OH 44505

Siddique Abdullah Hasan (Carlos Sanders) # R 130-559
Ohio State Penitentiary
878 Coitsville-Hubbard Road
Youngstown, OH 44505

Injustice continues 23 years after the Lucasville prison uprising – April 11-22nd, 1993 – Greg Curry on the Aftermath

Greg Curry, interviewed by Kunta Kenyatta

Introduction by Annabelle Parker:

This week we commemorate the 23rd year passing after the Lucasville prison uprising / riot / disturbance (April 11-22nd, 1993). Nine prisoners and one officer were killed during the 11-day uprising, which ended in a 21-point agreement, brokered by a few prisoners who showed great responsibility in keeping control and order. They would later be indicted and charged and convicted, to receive death penalties. Many innocent prisoners were indicted because they refused to be used as informants for the state.

This tragedy is still making victims, by still keeping at least 9 people locked up who have always proclaimed their innocence. Five of these are on death row: Keith Lamar, Siddique Abdullah Hasan, Jason Robb, George Skatzes and Namir Mateen (James Were).

In the words of Greg, Derek, Eric, Rasheed of

We encourage you to lend your hearts and ears to the true account of how lies and corruption lead to the conviction of innocent men during the 1993 Lucasville riot. The men were singled out and used as scapegoats because they would not lie and take part in the department of rehabilitation and corrections (DRC) broader political scheme to bilk the Ohio tax payers out of money and persuade the state to use this money for a supermax prison.

This is an interview with Greg Curry by former fellow prisoner and successfully re-entered prisoner advocate Kunta Kenyatta:

Kunta: I understand you’re indicted on two counts of aggravated murder in a major prison riot?

Greg: Yes. On April 11th, 1993 at the maximum security prison in Lucasville Ohio a riot took place. At its conclusion I was indicted on two aggravated murders for the deaths of two prisoners during the riot. At trial I was found guilty of one, and given 20 to life on the other. By chance I (not a lawyer/judge/prosecutor) was able to discover by conversation that someone else had already plead guilty to murdering this victim by himself under circumstances and location far different from that which the prosecutor was accusing me of. So I told my lawyer and strategically the lawyer failed me by telling the court, which just switched the charge, correcting a reversible appellant era, from aggravated murder to attempted aggravated murder. I received 15 to 25 yrs. After I do 20 to life consecutively.

Kunta: Did you bring in a paid attorney?

Greg: No, I couldn’t afford legal counsel and I don’t believe in burdening my family even if by chance they were willing to take on such debt. I also felt in no way I could have been found guilty when I was never inside the prison block once the uprising began.

Kunta: What do you hope to accomplish by risking an open interview?

Greg: I don’t see it as a risk first of all. To imply risk would be to assume I have something to hide. I’m doing interviews, passing out flyers, requesting law schools and firms help at all forms where injustice is the topic. Also I direct people to a website ( that gives the complete and official account of my claim of innocence. I believe once people know, their their heart will require an involved response.

Kunta: What keeps you trying to prove your innocence?

Greg: Actually I grew frustrated at the transparency of the backwood justice and policies. I tried not to think about the injustices but my children need me home. I owe it to them to get there, my parents are getting older and I’m innocent [note: Greg’s father has since this interview passed away].

Kunta: What legal issues do you have should a court accept this case?

Greg: I have multiple issue ranging from ineffective counsel on trial and direct appeal, prosecutor misconduct, such as hiding and refusing to turn over all discoverable material including at least 100 exculpatory statements that clearly point to others as the perpetrators.

In Ohio it is illegal for prosecutors to deny deals or purchased testimony at trial, it is also illegal for prosecutors to not correct any lies known to be untrue. In the following cases the courts speak with one voice: new trials must be granted for this behavior:

– Beckett v. Haviland 76 Fed appx.726; 2003 U.S. App. 6th Cir. [ ]

– Napue v. Illinois 360 U.S. 264 (1959), 269-71 U.S. Supreme Court []

– Wesener v. Straub 110 Fed. Appx. 618, 625 (6th Cir. 2004) (see: Napue Nightmares: Perjured Testimony in Trials Following the 1993 Lucasville, Ohio, Prison Uprising, Staughton Lynd, in: Capital University Law Review 36 (2008): pp. 559-634 [linked to on ].

My defense was largely based on “a bunch of paid liars saying anything to get out of charges and prison.” All the witnesses and both the prosecutors swore every sentence that there were no deals given in front of my jury under oath.
Members of my jury requested to know, because that would matter in their decision-making.

On direct appeal, the same two prosecutors admitted they gave my star witnesses a deal (a parole to a convicted murder[er] who admits to being part of a “death squad” in the riot, with no new charge).

This information is on the website using court documents not speculation. See for yourself at

Kunta: What proof of your innocence do you have?

Greg: I was never inside. I had at court many non-riot-related prisoners as witnesses and one staff-member who was my job supervisor, testifying to my whereabouts. No officer or people without something to gain accused me. Since my convictions I’ve gathered many police statements stating prisoners accused others of these crimes, but the prosecutors hid them until after my trial so that my name couldn’t be cleared.

Kunta: If there was no officer present or in control, how does the State go about sorting out personal vendettas and otherwise “he said/she said”?

Greg: This question is at the heart of these convictions. It was said many times by those investigators: you help us or you become a target. I knew nothing so I couldn’t help. When you read the investigators’ statements you will see at first a person knew nothing, then he knows everything as if he was reading a script, and when he knows everything, the recorder happens to be on, and the hint of favors begin to enter the picture on tape and / or in the statements. You can read people being “guided” along. Some witnesses even admit they didn’t like me. It was all about convictions, getting people convicted.

Kunta: Briefly give me an idea of the area where the prison is, the court location and how that may have a effected a fair trial?

Greg: The prison is in Southern Ohio in the hills connected to Kentucky and West Virginia. Very rural European-dominated area by far. The prison is the driving force to the economic stability. The courthouse sits right in the center of town about 15 minutes from the prison in a place called Portsmouth; racial tension is historic in that area, especially in that prison. Just a few years before the riot a white female prison teacher was killed by a black prisoner; that never sat well and the wound was burst wide open on April 11, 1993.

Of the 50 or so indictments, over 40 were against black prisoners. The white officers mostly refused to testify on the “Aryan” prisoners. Of course the jury pool was all European.

Kunta: Why in your opinion hasn’t the judicial system worked for you?

Greg: The judicial system is meant to work for its founding fathers’ offspring and it mostly does work for them. In that climate at that time it would have been a riot in the streets had I won the case. From lack of funding, lack of investigation, court decisions, prosecutors’ behavior, jurors’ frame of mind, etc. I didn’t have a chance, and since the appeals process reviews only the trial record, the lawyer must put something on record, and his ability was limited, assuming his heart was sincere. We want to believe that about everyone.

The Columbus Public Defenders Office requested I send all my legal work to them for possible post-conviction. During the direct appeal process I sent it in. They sat on it 8 days before my time would expire, then they turned over 1,000 pages of material and said “your time is almost up, rush something to the courts” (yeah) and I know nothing of the law, but I did what I could. I tried to explain to the courts what happened and to please allow me more time. I never got a response, but I did as soon as possible put my best effort before them, again to date never receiving a response.

On direct appeal everything was “harmless error” or a non-issue. Remember this is a major event in Ohio and I’m dealing with Ohio courts, judges, prosecutors, and court-appointed lawyers who receive their pay from the same source.

I actually filed more motions than my appointed lawyer to start a double murder trial in a highly inflammatory environment that – by the way – he grew up in; also his office is right across the street from the courthouse. It was April 1996, I sent my post conviction material and all legal work to the Columbus Public Defenders Office. They held it until September 13, 1996: 8 days before the deadline.

Kunta: Do you know any of the victims’ witnesses for the State, or other accused?

Greg: No, I don’t know either of the people I am accused of killing and thus never knew their background or character. A few of the witnesses for the State (my accusers) I did know casually, none intimately that we were of shared thought or ideals. I know a few of the people also indicted for murder, of course I know them all now. I also knew my parents and sons, who are also victims of this false conviction.

Kunta: Why you?

Greg: The climate was convictions, and so I was a magnet for treatment others didn’t face. I fit once they decided my good friend was a satisfactory fit, his partners would be the natural targets.

In prison it’s a common procedure: if anyone gets in trouble, the administration will ask who he runs with? Go get them! Prisoner-on-prisoner incidents happen the same way: you fall out with one, you fall out with both or have to assume as much. Everyone has a partner and so it’s easy to clean up a bad situation by taking out partners, plus the person telling knows or again assumes “I can’t take one down without taking them both, or I put myself at risk,” and this was a serious risk.

Kunta: if I’m a law-abiding citizen that believes our judicial system works and is always honest in its pursuit of justice, what can you point to in the record of the contrary?

Greg: I repeat: please visit, and look at the court documents that can be provided additionally. This isn’t “he said, she said,” it is official; I’ve given the prevailing case law. The law is clear, the documents are real, and so I expect the ideal that the judicial system works, but please verify. Realism over idealism. Each of you can become active to make your government work for all the people in all situations.

Kunta: How many people were charged with the same crime?

Greg: No less than five, and then we were all tried separately as if they (we) were the principal offender. Yes, all were found guilty.

Kunta: I understand that the community signed a petition asking for the death penalty and other punitive measures against prisoners before indictments or trials, and many of them [the signers of this petition] sat on jury trials?

Greg: Your facts are correct. It appears that at least two of them judged me. This wasn’t discovered until 2006 [see: ]. I couldn’t have known at trial. One would think a trial lawyer from there should know…

Postscript by Annabelle:

The latest update on Greg’s case is that he had filed a motion to the courts “to be heard,” and the court ruled that he had the responsibility of telling the court that the court failed to rule. So the court denied Greg’s appeal as “untimely.” This was around 2013. Since then, his case has not moved. Every day in solitary confinement is one too many, and every day in prison is one too many for Greg and the other people who have been cheated out of their lives by corrupt and uncaring state/court officials.

What you can do to help:
You are much needed as a supporter in any way you can deem useful: for instance, writing Greg to keep his spirit up, and/or spreading the word (we have flyers, websites) about the injustices done in the aftermath of the Lucasville prison disturbance, are simple ways to help.

You can contact Greg Curry at any of the below to learn more, support, correspond, help out, etc.:

Greg Curry, #213-159
878 Coitsville-Hubbard Road,
Youngstown, Ohio 44505

You can also go to and write him via an email-system.

Useful websites:

Page by supporters on facebook:

Zine about Greg

Greg’s Flyer

For further information on the Lucasville prison uprising of 1993 and its aftermath:

Kunta Kenyatta was in the Southern Ohio Correctional Facility in Lucasville on the other side from where the riot took place. He knows the innocent people who were falsely indicted after the riot and he knows what the environment and the mood was like before the uprising and disturbance. Kunta has been active in prisoner support; he was released years ago and has successfully rebuilt his life, which still includes supporting prisoners. He lives and works in Ohio.

Annabelle Parker is a prisoner advocate, permaculturist and (web)editor.

Bomani Shakur (Keith LaMar), innocent on death row (interview)

This is an interview you can hear on the site of the SF BayView:

January 23, 2016

by The People’s Minister of Information JR Valrey

Today our guest on Block Report Radio is Bomani, formally known as Keith LaMar. He is an Ohio death row political prisoner and survivor of the Lucasville Rebellion 23 years ago. He will talk to us about the history of that rebellion, his recent hunger strike, the state of Ohio planning to set his execution date and more.

M.O.I. JR: It’s on honor to have you on, my brother. Can you tell the people about the Lucasville Rebellion?

Listen to the whole interview here.

Pack the Courthouse on Dec. 2nd! Support Keith LaMar!

Justice for Keith LaMar

Keith LaMar (aka Bomani Shakur) was placed on death row after the State framed him for crimes he can prove he did not commit during the 1993 Lucasville Prison Uprising at the Southern Ohio Correctional Facility. He has been held in solitary confinement for the past 21 years.

Please show up to events, come to the oral argument on December 2nd, read Keith’s book, Condemned, and spread the word. Let’s join Keith LaMar in his fight to stay alive!

Keith’s death sentence is nearing its most critical stage. His final appeal will be heard through oral arguments, scheduled for 2 p.m. on Tuesday, December 2nd at the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals. The address is:

540 Potter Steward U.S. Courthouse
100 East Fifth Street
Cincinnati, Ohio 45202
Phone: 513-564-7000

Schedule of Events for Tuesday, December 2nd — Keith LaMar Oral Arguments, Cincinnati, Ohio

12:45 p.m. — Supporters’ Rally before Keith’s Oral Arguments. Let’s come together in Lytle Park, East 4th Street, 2 blocks east of the Potter-Stewart Courthouse in downtown Cincinnati. Wear or carry your shirt if you have one (more will be available for $15).

1:10 — March to the Potter-Steward U.S. Courthouse together. Family and close friends will lead us there (per Keith’s wishes). Address: 100 East Fifth Street in Cincinnati.

1:20 — (T-shirts off/covered/put away). Check in through security and be seated.

2-3 p.m. — Oral Arguments will take place. Be Keith’s ears and eyes and please conduct yourselves peacefully (per Keith’s wishes).

3-3:15 p.m. — Please make your way to a private Vigil for Justice for friends and family at 1st Unitarian Church of Cincinnati. Address: 536 Linton Street (In Avondale off Reading Rd). Free parking and security provided.

3:15 — Fellowship and refreshments in the Fellowship Hall

3:45-5:15 — Vigil for Justice in the Sanctuary

Keith’s is a story about racialized injustice, State corruption, struggle, perseverance and truth. He has laid it all out in Condemned–a soulful, fiery, and captivating book. In it, he traces how the prosecutors fabricated a case against him, dismantles their lies by highlighting their inconsistencies, and proves that his Constitutional rights were violated by their willful withholding of evidence favorable to his defense. Most importantly, Keith compels readers to consider their place within the larger social system, inviting those who would stand on the side of social justice to join him, on his behalf and also for the countless other nameless, faceless people caught up in the struggle for humanity.

A documentary film that focuses on the State’s intentional railroading of Keith LaMar has just been completed (October 2014).

ACLU Case: We filed this suit because the ODRC is violating the First Amendment rights of the prisoners and of the press

Lucasville Disturbance wrongfully convicted prisoners gathered to discuss the ACLU Lawsuit, 2014

Lucasville Disturbance wrongfully convicted prisoners gathered to discuss the ACLU Lawsuit, 2014

From Greg Curry’s site and ACLU Ohio:

This is about the ACLU Media-access case, in which Greg Curry also is a plaintiff, from the ACLU Ohio website:

21 years after the Lucasville prison uprising, the media is still waiting for face-to-face interviews with the condemned prisoners.

For more than two decades, Siddique Hasan, Jason Robb, George Skatzes, Keith LaMar and Greg Curry have claimed they are innocent of the crimes attributed to them during the 1993 prison uprising at Southern Ohio Correctional Facility (SOCF).

Among other things, these five men accuse the state of coercing false testimony from other SOCF prisoners in order to convict them. They have spent years in solitary confinement, soliciting media attention in an attempt to convince the public—and ultimately the court system—that they do not belong where they are.

In response, the Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction (ODRC) has completely banned face-to-face media contact with these men, arguing that they are too much of a security risk to be allowed to tell their stories in person.

In late 2013, the ACLU of Ohio filed a lawsuit challenging this ban. The suit was filed on behalf of Hasan, Robb, Skatzes, LaMar and Curry, as well as one teacher and four reporters, including Pulitzer Prize winner Chris Hedges.

We filed this suit because the ODRC is violating the First Amendment rights of the prisoners and of the press. It’s not hard to see that their actions have very little to do with security and everything to do with silencing an uncomfortable conversation about the Lucasville uprising.

For proof, consider that many other death row inmates in Ohio have been granted face-to-face access to the media. They include spree killer John Fautenberry, neo-Nazi murderer Frank Spisak, and convicted arsonist Kenneth Richey, who has since been released from death row.

In all, Ohio prison officials have approved nearly two dozen media interviews with other death row inmates while denying each and every request for face-to-face interviews with the five Lucasville prisoners. This ban is a special form of extended vengeance, reserved only for them.

These prisoners are complicated characters, and the Lucasville uprising is a complex story.

Hiding these complexities behind a wall of censorship will not make them go away.
The Basics

21 years ago, on Easter Sunday 1993, more than 400 inmates at an overcrowded prison in Lucasville, Ohio staged an 11-day prison uprising. In the ensuing violence, nine inmates and one corrections officer lost their lives.

The Basics – read more here.

Lucasville State of Mind

Jason Goudlock is a progressive writer embedded in the struggle against the repressive United States prison industrial complex. If you would like to offer him support on his quest to attain justice for Ohio old-law prisoners, you can contact him at the following:

Jason Goudlock #284­561
P.O. Box 788
Mansfield, OH 44901

Learn more about Jason Goudlock and his struggle for freedom at

He wrote a poem about Lucasville, which you can read here.

Thank you Jason!

Free Jason Goudlock. Free all the Lucasville prisoners wrongfully convicted following the 1993 tragedy.

Bomani Shakur and Staughton Lynd speak to the Re-Examining the Lucasville Uprising Conference

 From SF Bay View, May 20, 2013:

The Re-Examining the Lucasville Uprising Conference, held April 19-21 in Columbus, Ohio, to mark the 20th anniversary of the Lucasville Uprising, was a resounding success by all reports. “A strong and vibrant coalition has come together to advocate for innocence of those convicted in the aftermath of the uprising,” reports Noelle Hanrahan of Prison Radio, one of the organizers.

She recommends that readers “visit for information on the prisoner leaders and prisoners’ spokesmen, who were immediately targeted and framed up. Five men are facing the death penalty and a dozen more have long prison terms, including the tortuous death of life without the possibility of parole (LWOP).”

Here are the statements delivered at the conference from prison by Bomani Shakur and in person by Staughton Lynd.

From Bomani Shakur

Bomani Shakur (Keith LaMar) Lucasville 5 in shackles
This photo of Bomani Shakur (Keith LaMar) of the Lucasville 5 in shackles was projected larger than life above and behind the panelists at the Lucasville Conference as they and the audience listened to his recorded statement.

Hello, everybody. My name is Keith LaMar. Most of my friends call me Bomani, and I’m one of the five men who was sentenced to death as a result of my alleged involvement in the Lucasville Prison Uprising. Before I speak my piece tonight and express what’s going on inside of me, I want to first extend my heartfelt gratitude to each and every one of you.

I am aware that there are any number of places that you all could be on this Friday evening. And so it means a lot to me that you are here to mark this very important occasion with us.

By anyone’s estimation, 20 years is a long time. But 20 years spent in solitary confinement is torture.
In all this time, we have yet to tell our side of the story. In a very real sense, we have been silenced, held incommunicado, while we move ever closer to being executed.

Well, enough is enough. By the time you hear this message, we will have been on hunger strike for over a week now, protesting the unfair and unreasonable refusal by the state to allow us access to the media.
It’s time for the public to hear our voices. It’s time for you all to hear our side of the story.

By anyone’s estimation, 20 years is a long time. But 20 years spent in solitary confinement is torture.

As many of you may or may not know, there was no physical evidence linking anyone to crimes. No fingerprints, no DNA or any other kind of forensic evidence that conclusively connected anyone to any of the crimes that were committed during the 11-day uprising.

This means the state had to rely solely on the testimony of individuals who, from the very outset, were lacking in credibility.

Yet, and still, a guard was killed and somebody had to pay for that. However, with no physical evidence linking anyone to the crimes, the question inevitably becomes, “How does one manufacture credibility and bring to justice those responsible?” This was the formidable task that was taken on by the state.

In almost every case arising out of the disturbance of 1993, there were multiple versions of what actually occurred, and multiple individuals who, for various reasons, were willing to testify to different versions of the truth. So who to believe?

“What made one would-be witness more credible than the next?” This is the question to ask.

In my particular case, the state called more than six witnesses against me who testified, under oath, that they saw me murder and/or order the deaths of five inmates, and they made it appear as though the testimony given by these individuals was irrefutable. And in a certain sense it was. Not because what was said about me was true, but because they prevented me from putting forth testimony that refuted their rendering of the facts.

As is customary in all criminal cases, my attorneys requested – in a motion for discovery – all statements that tended to point the finger at someone else. For those of you who are not familiar with the legal process, this kind of evidence – that is, evidence that is favorable to the defense – is called exculpatory evidence and the prosecutor is required by law to turn it over, even if or when it sheds an unfavorable light on his case. After all, the prosecutor’s job is not to win a guilty verdict, but to see that justice is done. Or so the story goes …

When my attorneys made the request in discovery for statements that tended to point the finger at someone else, the prosecutor refused to turn over these damning statements, and there were many. Indeed, for every witness who testified against me, there was a witness who claimed to have seen someone else commit the very crimes for which I was ultimately sentenced to death. Unfortunately, the jury in my case never got the opportunity to hear from these witnesses.

Indeed, it wasn’t until my case was over and I was already sitting on death row that I even learned of these conflicting and damning statements. But it was too late by then.

“So why, then, am I rehashing all of this now?” you may ask. “What do we possibly hope to gain by asking you all here tonight?”

Well, since we didn’t receive fair trials through the criminal justice system, we intend to retry our cases in the court of public opinion. Since, when all is said and done, the ultimate outcome – be it freedom or death – will be carried out in your name. It’s to you, the public, that we must now turn.

Out of the five men who were sentenced to death, my case is the furthest along in terms of being resolved.
In late December of 2012, I filed my last appeal, moving me one step closer to the execution chamber.

Since we didn’t receive fair trials through the criminal justice system, we intend to retry our cases in the court of public opinion.

If the state has its way, they are going to kill me soon. However, inasmuch as my life is not for them to take, I intend to fight them, to stand up and speak truth to the power that has delivered me to this evening.
I … no … we need your help.

I’ve written a book called “Condemned.” In it, I lay out the particulars of my case and the overall injustice that occurred. Please read it and, if you believe it and if what you hear over this long weekend rings true, join us in our efforts to right these wrongs. We can stop this thing. I’m innocent. The state of Ohio is trying to kill me.

Send our brother some love and light: Keith LaMar (Bomani Shakur), 317-117, P.O. Box 1436, Youngstown OH 44501.

From Staughton Lynd

Our focus this morning has been a detailed discussion of what happened before and during the 11 days and in the trials that followed. My comments are intended to build a bridge between that analysis and the broader perspectives that will be offered this afternoon. I will divide my remarks in four parts.

First, I shall recall the three biggest prison rebellions in recent United States history. I will suggest that while we are just beginning to build a movement outside the walls of both prisons and courtrooms, there are particular aspects of the Lucasville events that help to explain why that has been so hard.

Second, I will make the case that, despite appearances, Ohio’s prison administration was at least as responsible as were the prisoners for the 10 deaths during the occupation of L block.

Third, I shall describe the manipulation by means of which the state of Ohio induced a leader of the uprising to become an informer and to attribute responsibility for the murder of hostage Officer Robert Vallandingham to others. I shall add that to this day the state says it does not know who the hands-on killers were.

Finally, and very briefly, because I recognize this will be the agenda for tomorrow morning, I will ask: What is to be done?

Three prison uprisings

There have been three major prison uprisings in the United States during the past half century.

Staughton Lynd, Denis O'Hearn Lucasville Conference 0413 by (c) Noelle Hanrahan, Prison Radio
Two powerful advocates for prisoners are, at left, Staughton Lynd, the attorney who wrote the book, “Lucasville: The Untold Story of a Prison Uprising,” and a play on Lucasville, and Denis O’Hearn. Denis, born in the U.S. of Irish and Native American (Aleut) parents, lived and taught for many years in Ireland, where he covered Irish prisoners for the London Guardian and wrote the acclaimed biography, “Nothing But an Unfinished Song: Bobby Sands, the Irish Hunger Striker Who Ignited a Generation.” He is now a professor of sociology at the University of Binghamton in New York. – Photo: © Noelle Hanrahan, Prison Radio

The first and best known rebellion was at Attica in western New York state in September 1971. Prisoners occupied a recreation yard. After three days, agents of the state assaulted the area, guns blazing. The prisoners had killed three prisoners and a guard. The state’s assault resulted in the deaths of 29 more prisoners and an additional 10 guards whom the prisoners were holding as hostages.

Initially the state of New York, including Gov. Nelson Rockefeller, claimed that the hostage officers who died in the yard had their throats cut by the prisoners in rebellion. A courageous medical examiner said, No, the officers all died of bullet wounds. And only one side in the conflict, or massacre, had guns.

Because the brazen cover story of the authorities was so soon and so dramatically refuted, the prosecution of prisoners at Attica never got far off the ground. On Dec. 31, 1976, a little more than five years after the events at the prison, New York Gov. Carey declared by executive order an amnesty for all participants in the insurrection. He stated in part:

“Attica has been a tragedy of immeasurable proportions, unalterably affecting countless lives. Too many families have grieved, too many have suffered deprivations, too many have lived their lives in uncertainty waiting for the long nightmare to end. For over five years and with hundreds of thousands of dollars and countless man-hours, we have followed the path of investigation and accusation. … To continue in this course, I believe, would merely prolong the agony with no better hope of a just and abiding conclusion.”

The governor concluded by saying that his actions should not be understood to imply “a lack of culpability for the conduct at issue.” Rather, Gov. Carey stated, “These actions are in recognition that there does exist a larger wrong which transcends the wrongful acts of individuals.”

In 1980 a second major uprising occurred at the state prison in Santa Fe, New Mexico. Again there were numerous deaths, but all 33 homicides resulted from prisoners killing other prisoners. No officers were murdered. No prisoner was sentenced to death.

Finally we come to the Southern Ohio Correctional Facility in Lucasville in 1993. In trying to understand the tangle of events we call “Lucasville,” one confronts: a prisoner body of more than 1,800, a majority of them Black men from Ohio’s inner cities, guarded by correctional officers largely recruited from the entirely, or almost entirely, white community in Scioto County; a prison administration determined to suppress dissent after the murder of an educator in 1990; an 11-day occupation by more than 400 men of a major part of the Lucasville prison; 10 homicides, all committed by prisoners, including the murder of hostage officer Robert Vallandingham; dialogue between the parties ending in a peaceful surrender; and about 50 prosecutions, resulting in five capital convictions and numerous other sentences, some of them likely to last for the remainder of a prisoner’s life.

The task for defense lawyers and for a community campaign demanding reconsideration, is more difficult than at Attica or Santa Fe. At Attica, 10 of the 11 officers who died were killed by agents of the state. At Santa Fe, only prisoners were killed. Lucasville presents a distinct challenge: the killing of a single hostage correctional officer by prisoners in rebellion.

Who is to blame?

In a summary booklet Alice and I have produced, entitled “Layers of Injustice,” we argue that the Lucasville prisoners in L block, considered collectively, and the state of Ohio share responsibility for the tragedy of April 1993. Both sides contributed to what happened. Events spun out of control. Neither side intended what occurred.

The collective responsibility of prisoners in L block seems self-evident. Ten men were killed. The victims were unarmed and helpless. In contrast to what happened at Attica, all 10 victims were killed by prisoners.
However, Muslim prisoner Reginald Williams, a witness for the state in the Lucasville trials, testified that the hope of the group that planned the 1993 occupation was to carry out a brief, essentially peaceful, attention-getting action “to get someone from the central office to come down and address our concerns” (State v. Were I at 1645), “to barricade ourselves in L-6 until we can get someone from Columbus to discuss” alternative means of doing the TB tests (State v. Sanders at 2129). Siddique Abdullah Hasan, supposed by the state to have planned and led the action, said the same thing to the Associated Press within the past two weeks.

Since the prisoners, whatever their initial intentions, nonetheless carried out the homicides, the responsibility of the state is less obvious. Here are some of the main reasons I believe that the state of Ohio shares responsibility for what happened at Lucasville in 1993.

  1. In 1989, Warden Terry Morris asked the Legislative Oversight Committee of the Ohio General Assembly to prepare a survey of conditions at the Southern Ohio Correctional Facility in Lucasville. The Correctional Institution Inspection Committee received letters from 427 prisoners and interviewed more than 100. Such was the state of disarray in 1989 that, four years before the 1993 uprising, the CIIC reported that prisoners “relayed fears and predictions of a major disturbance unlike any ever seen in Ohio prison history.”
  2. After the murder of educator Beverly Jo Taylor in 1990, a new warden was appointed. Warden Arthur Tate instituted what he called “Operation Shakedown.” A striking example of the pervasive repression reported by prisoners is that telephone communication between prisoners and the outside world was limited to one five-minute outgoing telephone call per year.
  3. The single feature of life at Lucasville that the CIIC found most troublesome was the prison administration’s use of prisoner informants, or “snitches.” Warden Tate, “King Arthur” as the prisoners called him, expanded the use of snitches. In 1991 the warden addressed a letter to all prisoners and visitors in which he provided a special mailing address to which alleged violations of “laws and rules of this institution” could be reported. Six alleged snitches, a majority of the persons murdered during the rebellion, were killed in the first hours of the disturbance.
  4. The immediate cause or trigger of the rebellion was Warden Tate’s insistence on testing for TB by injecting a substance containing phenol, which a substantial number of Muslim prisoners believed to be prohibited by their religion. Alternative means of testing for TB by use of X rays or a sputum test were available and had been used at Mansfield Correctional Institution. In its post-surrender report, the correctional officers’ labor union stated that Warden Tate was “unnecessarily confrontational” in his response to the Muslim prisoners’ concern about TB testing using phenol.
  5. Before Warden Tate departed for the Easter weekend on Good Friday, three of his administrators advised against his plan to lock the prison down and forcibly inject prisoners who refused TB shots. The warden did not adequately alert the reduced staff who would be on duty as to the volatile state of affairs. Slow response to the initial occupation of L block let pass an early opportunity to end the rebellion without loss of life. It was two hours after the insurgency began before Warden Tate was notified. The safewells at the end of each pod in L block, to which correctional officers retreated as they had been instructed, turned out to have been constructed without the prescribed steel stanchions and were easily penetrated.
  6. Sgt. Howard Hudson, who was in the administration control booth during the 11 days and was offered by prosecutors as a so-called “summary witness,” conceded in his trial testimony that the state of Ohio deliberately stalled when prisoners tried to end the standoff by negotiation. Hudson testified in Hasan’s case: “The basic principle in these situations … is to buy time. … [T]he more time that goes on the greater the chances for a peaceful resolution to the situation.” This assumption proved – to use an unfortunate phrase – to be dead wrong.
  7. By cutting off water and electricity to the occupied cell block on April 12, the state created a new cause of grievance. The prisoners’ concern to get back what they had at the outset of the disturbance became the sticking point in unsuccessful negotiations to end the standoff before Officer Vallandingham was murdered.
  8. On the morning of April14, spokeswoman Tessa Unwin made a statement to the press on behalf of the authorities. Ms. Unwin was asked to comment on a message written on a sheet that was hung out of an L block window threatening to kill a hostage officer. Rather than responding “No comment,” she stated: “It’s a standard threat. It’s nothing new. . . They’ve been threatening things like this from the beginning.” According to several prisoners in L block and to hostage officer Larry Dotson, this statement inflamed sentiment among the prisoners who were listening on battery-powered radios. In the judgment of the officers’ union, in their report on the disturbance:

    As anyone familiar with the process and language of negotiations would know, this kind of public discounting of the inmate threats practically guaranteed a hostage death.

    When an official DR&C spokesperson publicly discounted the inmate threats as bluffing, the inmates were almost forced to kill or maim a hostage to maintain or regain their perceived bargaining strength.

  9. In 2010, documentary filmmaker Derrick Jones interviewed Daniel Hogan, who prosecuted Robb and Skatzes and is now a state court judge. Hogan told Jones on tape: “I don’t know that we will ever know who hands-on killed the corrections officer, Vallandingham.” Later Mr. Jones asked former prosecutor Hogan: “When it comes to Officer Vallandingham, who killed him?” Judge Hogan replied: “I don’t know. And I don’t think we’ll ever know.” Nonetheless, four spokespersons and supposed leaders of the uprising have been found guilty of the officer’s aggravated murder and sentenced to death.

Who did kill Officer Vallandingham?

With the help of Attorney Niki Schwartz, three prisoner representatives accepted a 21 point agreement and a peaceful surrender followed. The agreement stated in Point 6, “Administrative discipline and criminal proceedings will be fairly and impartially administered without bias against individuals or groups.” Point 14 added, “There will be no retaliatory actions taken toward any inmate or groups of inmates.”

Sam Oliver, Ishaq Alkhair, Kunta Kenyatta, Alice Lynd at Lucasville Conference 0413 by (c) Noelle Hanrahan, Prison Radio
At the Lucasville Conference, former Southern Ohio Correctional Facility prisoners Sam Oliver, Ishaq Alkhair and Kunta Kenyatta, with moderator Alice Lynd, discuss conditions at SOC at Lucasville, Ohio, prior to the Lucasville Uprising in 1993. – Photo: © Noelle Hanrahan, Prison Radio

The raw intent of the state to violate these understandings was made clear during and immediately after the surrender. Inmate Emanuel Newell, who had almost been killed by the rebelling prisoners, was carried out of L block on a stretcher. A trooper asked him, What did you see Skatzes do? Newell and John Fryman, who had been assaulted by the insurgents and left for dead, were put in the Lucasville infirmary. Both were approached by representatives of the state. Fryman remembered:

“They made it clear they wanted the leaders. They wanted to prosecute Hasan, George Skatzes, Lavelle, Jason Robb and another Muslim. They had not yet begun their investigation but they knew they wanted those leaders. I joked with them and said, ‘You basically don’t care what I say as long as it’s against these guys.’ They said, ‘Yeah, that’s it.’”

Newell named the men who had interrogated him: Lt. Root, Sgt. Hudson, and Troopers McGough and Sayers. According to Newell:

“These officers said, ‘We want Skatzes. We want Lavelle. We want Hasan.’ They also said, ‘We know they were leaders. … We want to burn their ass. We want to put them in the electric chair for murdering Officer Vallandingham.’”

With the same motivation, the prosecutors pursued a more sophisticated strategy. ODRC Director Reginald Wilkinson put it this way in an article that he co-authored with his associate Thomas Stickrath for the Corrections Management Quarterly:

“According to Special Prosecutor Mark Piepmeier, his staff targeted a few gang leaders. … Thirteen months into the investigation, a primary riot provocateur agreed to talk about Officer Vallandingham’s death. … His testimony led to death sentences for riot leaders Carlos Sanders [Hasan], Jason Robb, James Were and George Skatzes.”

The so-called primary riot provocateur was prisoner Anthony Lavelle, leader of the Black Gangster Disciples, who, along with Hasan and Robb, had negotiated the surrender agreement.

How did the state induce Lavelle not only to talk, but to say what the prosecution desired?

During the winter of 1993-1994, Hasan, Lavelle and Skatzes were housed in adjacent cells at the Chillicothe Correctional Institution. On April 6, 1994, Skatzes was taken to a room where he found Sgt. Hudson, Trooper McGough of the Highway Patrol and two prosecutors. This was the third such occasion and, as twice before, Skatzes said that he did not wish to continue the interview and turned to go back to his cell in the North Hole.

What happened next, according to Skatzes, was that Warden Ralph Coyle entered the room and said that Central Office did not want Skatzes to go back to the North Hole. Skatzes protested vehemently that this would make him look like a snitch. Coyle was adamant and Skatzes was led away to a new location.
Back in the North Hole, Lavelle reacted exactly as Skatzes feared. Lavelle wrote a letter to Jason Robb that became an exhibit in Robb’s trial:

“Jason: I am forced to write you and relate a few things that happen down here lately. With much sadness I will give you the raw deal, your brother George has done a vanishing act on us. … On Wednesday, April 6, 1994, G. said about 8:00 a.m. that he had a lawyer visit . … Now to be short and simple, he failed to return that day. Today they came and packed up his property which leads me to one conclusion that he has chose to be a cop.”

Later, Lavelle himself testified that he turned state’s evidence because he thought he would go to Death Row if he did not. This was an accurate assessment. Prosecutor Hogan told a trial court judge at sidebar that his colleague Prosecutor Stead had told Lavelle, “Either you are going to be my witness or I’m going to try to kill you.” According to the testimony under oath of prisoner Anthony Odom, who celled across from Lavelle at the time, Lavelle entered into his plea agreement, Lavelle “said he was gonna cop out [be]cause the prosecutor was sweating him, trying to hit him with a murder charge. … He said he was going to tell them what they wanted to hear.”

Lavelle was understandably concerned that the prosecutor might hit him with a murder charge because it is overwhelmingly likely that it was, in fact, he who coordinated Officer Vallandingham’s murder. I have laid out the evidence in my book and in an article in the Capital University Law Review. Briefly,

Three members of the Black Gangster Disciples stated under oath that Lavelle tried to recruit them for a death squad after Ms. Unwin’s statement on April 14;

Sean Davis, who slept in L-1 as Lavelle did, testified that when he awoke on the morning of April 15, he heard Lavelle telling Stacey Gordon that he was going to kill a guard, to which Gordon replied that he would clean up afterward;

The late James Bell, a.k.a. Nuruddin, executed an affidavit before his death to the effect that Lavelle had left the morning meeting on April 15 furious that the Muslims and Aryans were unwilling to kill a hostage officer;
Three prisoners saw Lavelle and two other Disciples come down the L block corridor from L-1 and go into L-6, leaving a few minutes later;

James Were, on guard duty in L-6 and thereby an eyewitness to the murder, went to L-1 when he learned that the action had not been approved by other riot leaders and knocked Lavelle to the ground. Willie Johnson and Eddie Moss heard Were explicitly blame Lavelle for the killing;

Two older and, in my opinion, reliable convicts, Leroy Elmore and the late Roy Donald, say that on April 15 Lavelle told each of them in so many words that he had had the guard killed.

Unlike prisoners who testified for the state, the 12 men whose evidence I have summarized received no benefits for coming forward and, in fact, risked retaliation from other inmates by doing so. No jury has ever heard their collective narrative.

What is to be done?

So, what can we do?

The first task is to make it possible for the men condemned to death and life in prison to tell their stories, on camera, in face-to-face interviews with representatives of the media.

[Illustration by Mr. Fish]

For 20 years the state of Ohio, through both its Columbus Office of Communications and individual wardens, has denied requests for media access to all prisoners convicted of illegal acts during the 11-day occupation. Indeed, in the 11-day occupation itself, one of the prisoners’ persistent demands was for the opportunity to tell their story to the world.

In telephone calls to the authorities during the first night of the occupation, prisoner representatives proposed a telephone interview with one media representative, or a live interview with a designated TV channel, in exchange for the release of one hostage correctional officer. At 7:00 a.m. on Monday, April 12, the prisoners in rebellion broke off telephone negotiations, demanding local and national news coverage before any hostage release.

In the late morning of April 12, George Skatzes volunteered to go out on the yard, accompanied by Cecil Allen, carrying an enormous white flag of truce. The men asked for access to the media already camped outside the prison walls.

When on April 15 and 16 the prisoners released hostage officers Darrold Clark and Anthony Demons, what did they ask for and get in return? The opportunity for one spokesperson, Skatzes, to make a radio address and for another, Muslim Stanley Cummings, to speak on TV the next morning.

Now the Lucasville prisoners are again knocking on the door of the state, hunger striking, crying out against their isolation from the dialogue of civic society. They ask, “Why are we being kept incommunicado? What is the state afraid of?”

The first task is to make it possible for the men condemned to death and life in prison to tell their stories, on camera, in face-to-face interviews with representatives of the media.

I urge all present not to be distracted by official talk about alternative means of communication. The state tells us that the men condemned to death can write letters and make telephone calls. But the media access that these prisoners seek is the kind of exchange that can occur in courtroom cross-examination. The condemned are saying to us, “Before you kill me, give me a chance to join with you in trying to figure out what actually occurred.”

These are not homicides like that of which Mumia Abu Jamal is accused or that for which Troy Davis was executed: homicides with one decedent, one alleged perpetrator, and half a dozen witnesses. This is an immense tangle of events.

There is no objective evidence except for the testimony of the medical examiners, which repeatedly contradicted the claims of the prosecution. Very few physical objects remain in existence. The medical examiner testified that David Sommers was killed by a single massive blow with an object like a bat. A bloody baseball bat was found near the body of David Sommers. Special Prosecutor Mark Piepmeier ordered the bat to be destroyed.

We need media access to the Lucasville Five and their companions not just to perceive them as human beings, but to determine the truth. George Skatzes and Aaron Jefferson were tried in separate trials and each was convicted of striking the single massive blow that killed Mr. Sommers.

Eric Girdy has confessed to being one of the three killers of Earl Elder, using a shank made of glass from the mirror in the officers’ restroom, and slivers of glass were found in one of the lethal wounds and on the nearby floor. Girdy has insisted under oath that Skatzes had nothing to do with the murder; yet the state, while accepting Girdy’s confession, has not vacated the judgment against Skatzes.

Hasan and Namir were found not guilty of killing Bruce Harris, yet Stacey Gordon, who admitted to being one of the killers, is on the street.

The trial court judge in Keith LaMar’s trial refused to direct the prosecution to turn over to counsel for the defense the transcripts of all interviews conducted by the Highway Patrol with potential witnesses of the homicides for which LaMar was convicted, and LaMar is now closest to death of the five.
Jason Robb did nothing to cause the death of Officer Vallandingham except to attend an inconclusive meeting also attended by Anthony Lavelle, but only Robb was sentenced to death.

These things are not right, not just, not fair. The men facing death and life imprisonment for their alleged actions in April 1993 need to be full participants in the truth-seeking process. That is why, to repeat, I believe that our first task following this gathering is to make it possible for these men to tell their stories, on camera, in face-to-face interviews with representatives of the media. Journalists, for example from campus newspapers, who wish precise information as to how to request interviews should contact me.

Legendary attorney, professor, historian, author, playwright, and civil rights and peace activist Staughton Lynd can be reached at

Four Lucasville Uprising Prisoners on Hunger Strike

banner JusticeforLucasvilleThis hunger strike started on the exact day the Lucasville uprising started 20 years ago:
For Immediate Release: Four Lucasville Uprising Prisoners on Hunger Strike.

April 11th, 2013, Youngstown, OH- Four prisoners housed at Ohio State Penitentiary began refusing food today. Greg Curry, Siddique Abdullah Hasan, Jason Robb and Bomani Shakur, who have been housed at OSP since it opened, are demanding that media outlets be allowed to come for sit-down on-camera interviews with them. 
In a recorded announcement, Bomani Shakur described the hunger strike as a “protest [of] the state’s unfair and unreasonable refusal to grant us access to the media… I am an innocent man. This is injustice, the state of Ohio is trying to kill me.”

Numerous news sources have recently contacted the prisoners because of their involvement in the Lucasville Uprising twenty years ago. The hunger strike was timed with the anniversary of the uprising, along with a conference focused on taking another look at what happened in 1993.

“There are two important reasons for media access. The first is to humanize the prisoner… the second… [is to give] the prisoner a way to contribute to the search for truth about his alleged crimes” wrote long time prisoner advocate Staughton Lynd. “[When] a journalist and a prisoner can speak face to face… the reporter [can] ask follow-up questions as in a courtroom cross-examination.” Lynd also cites legal opinions that advocate a right for prisoners to speak to the media. See Staughton’s full statement at
The prisoners announced the hunger strike during a brief informal telephone interview with The Associated Press, who ran an article on the eve of the hunger strike.
Siddique Abdullah Hasan (fka Carlos Sanders) and Jason Robb were convicted of complicity in the murder of the hostage guard officer Vallandingham and condemned to death. They maintain their innocence and argue that as negotiators of the agreement that ended the uprising, they actually avoided further loss of life. 
Bomani Shakur (also known as Keith Lamar) and Greg Curry both surrendered on the first day of the uprising, but were charged and convicted of killing perceived snitches in the first hours of the disturbance. They both also maintain their innocence.
Greg Curry is serving a life sentence. Shakur has appealed to the United States Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit.

Supporters of the Lucasville Uprising Prisoners have planned a three day conference memorializing the Lucasville Uprising and re-examining the investigations and prosecutions that produced these convictions. The Re-Examining Lucasville conference will take place at Columbus State Community College on the weekend of April 19th-21st.

Advocates, supporters are also encouraging supporters to call Warden David Bobby at OSP and request that he negotiate with and allow media access. Warden Bobby can be reached at 330-743-0700. Supporters can also write to the prisoners at the following addresses:

Greg Curry, ODRC nr: 213-159
Siddique Abdullah Hasan (Carlos Sanders), ODRC nr: 130-559
Jason Robb, ODRC nr: 308-919
Bomani Shakur (Keith LaMar), ODRC nr: 317-117
878 Coitsville-Hubbard Road,
Youngstown, OH 44505
PHONE:  614-704-4699
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